Generally speaking, Russia’s foreign policy makers have three broad, and partially overlapping, geo-strategic options, related to the country’s national interests and its status vis-a-vis America. These alternatives emerged in the period following the Soviet Union’s collapse, namely: priority laid on establishing a ‘mature strategic partnership’ with the United States.
 | Indian Commerce Minister Kamal Nath, with Russian Minister of Economic Development and Trade Oskarvich Gref |
Emphasis on the ‘near abroad’ as Russia’s central concern, with some advocating a Moscow-dominated economic integration, thus restoring, though partially, the image of its former imperial control. Moreover, Russia’s regional role as a power would be strengthened, thereby serving as a balance vis-a-vis America and Europe. Consideration of an Eurasian counter alliance, designed to reduce the preponderance of the US unchallenged global influence.It is generally agreed that in the post-Soviet Russia, there are divergent opinions on foreign policy making among the Foreign Ministry, the academic community and the parliamentary circles. In the initial period around 1992-1995, the Westerners or the ‘Atlanticists’ led by Andrei Kozyrev, the first Foreign Minister of the Post Soviet Russia, and his foreign policy establishment were in clear ascendance. Thus in this period, Asia in general, and South Asia specifically, was accorded a low priority in Moscow’s restructuring. In January 1993, the Russian Foreign Ministry published the ‘Concept of Russian Federation’s Foreign Policy’, in which South Asia was accorded seventh place in its list of ten priorities.4 The emphasis was on a ‘Look West’ policy, emphasizing close relations with the West European countries, where too, the significant events, such as the re-unification of Germany and the break up of Yugoslavia took place. However, the ‘Look West’ policy of the Russia, with an emphasis on forging a ‘Strategic Partnership’ with the US-led West on an equality basis, remains severely challenged. Moreover, its ‘near abroad’ policy of exercising influence on the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), which previously were part of the Soviet Union, is largely backfiring, with NATO’s expanding eastwards, and rising anti-Russian sentiments in the newly independent CIS. All these developments have forced Russia to rethink its relations with its eastern and southern neighbors. In South Asia, itself having undergone significant changes, the demise of the Soviet Union and the emergence of Russia as its successor carry its own implications. India: The traditionally friendly and cooperative relations between India and Russia are marked by stability and continuity. The importance of India’s relations with Russia enjoys a consensus cutting across party lines both in India and Russia. Mutually beneficial Indo-Russian cooperation is multifaceted, encompassing areas such as trade and economic, culture, science and technology, defense and military-technical cooperation, peaceful uses of atomic energy and outer space, besides regular political interaction and consultations at the Foreign Office level. Mechanisms are also in place to have bilateral interaction between the Security Councils, Parliaments, Election Commissions, Accounts and Audit Chambers and judiciaries of the two countries.  | | Russian President Putin with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh |
The new Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation (approved by President Putin in 2000) expresses Russia’s intention “to strengthen its traditional partnership with India, including in the area of international affairs, and to aid overcoming problems persisting in South Asia and strengthen stability in the region”. Relations with India are regarded as a priority direction in the Russian foreign policy. Indo-Russian strategic partnership A Declaration on Strategic Partnership between India and the Russian Federation was signed during the State Visit of President Putin to India in October 2000. This is a document of cardinal significance and marks a new step forward in the elaboration of the principles of our bilateral relations. It lays down the broad contours of bilateral relations between India and the Russian Federation in the 21st century. It envisages a closer and deeper level of cooperation in all areas of mutual interest. After assuming office in May 2004, the new Government of India led by Hon’ble Prime Minister Mr. Manmohan Singh reaffirmed the importance to further strengthen the strategic partnership relations between India and the Russian Federation. Pakistan: The world has changed rapidly since the formal end of the Soviet Union in December 1991. Pakistan’s relations with the Russian Federation, which emerged as the successor state to the USSR, are quite inseparable from the legacy of more than four decades of earlier Pakistan-Soviet relations. While the new situation provided a major opportunity for a fresh beginning in Islamabad-Moscow relations, which was taken up by both sides, the foundation for it were laid earlier during a period when major irritants existed. High level bilateral contacts took place between Pakistan and the Russian Federation immediately thereafter. It seemed for some time that in the changed geo-political global scenario after the collapse of the Soviet Union, that Moscow tended to accord greater attention to Pakistan and other Muslim countries on its southern periphery. Several high-level exchanges of delegations have taken place between the two sides. A broad range of bilateral issues have been discussed during these visits, which, besides highlighting other areas of cooperation, also included proposals for the collaboration in the field of defense, outer space, technology and peaceful uses of nuclear energy. That also is proof of the Russian desire to upgrade relations with Pakistan, in itself a radical departure from the earlier Soviet-day policy of treating Pakistan as an adversary. However, despite the interest evinced on both sides to establish a constructive and positive relationship, certain irritants continued to exert their negative influence against the establishment of cordial relations. Such as: the situation in Afghanistan, international terrorism, threat of destabilization in Central Asia, transnational network of drug trafficking, Russian supply of arms to India and so forth. Afghanistan: Due to its instability and its proximity to the borders of several members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), developments in Afghanistan have long been Russia's concern. Russian involvement and interest in Afghanistan did not cease with the withdrawal of Soviet forces in February 1989. Soviet and Russian military advisors continued to assist the Afghan army until the fall of the pro-Soviet government in 1992. Once the Taliban movement began to take over Afghanistan in 1994, Russia started to support anti-Taliban forces, particularly those of the so-called Northern Alliance, led by Ahmad Shah Massoud, a former anti-Soviet Mujahideen commander. Russia perceived the Afghan threat growing during the 1990s, particularly after the start of the Chechen conflict. Russian officials have accused the Taliban of supporting the Chechen separatist movement with arms, funds, and training. Their statements indicate that they view the conflicts in Chechnya, the Caucasus, Central Asia, Afghanistan, and the Middle East as components of a well coordinated Muslim extremist movement that poses a grave threat to the stability of Russia's southern CIS neighbors and even to Russia's territorial integrity. Sri Lanka: 
| Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov shakes hands
with his Sri Lankan counterpart Mangala Samaraweera |
The Russian Federation, being the successor of the USSR, has actively developed the positive tendency of interstate relations with Sri Lanka. This attitude gave the possibility to provide the continuity of Russian - Sri Lankan ties. The basis of diverse cooperation which was laid down in previous years opens vast possibilities for its further development and implementation of new forms, though there was a certain decline in it during 90th. Our countries have identical or similar approaches to solution of majority of pressing international or regional issues. The maintenance of political dialog within the United Nations Organization and its specialized agencies as well as consultations between the Ministries of foreign affairs of two countries are favorable for the development of Russian - Sri-Lankan mutual understanding and cooperation. Moreover it indicates the coincidence or closeness of positions of Russia and Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan side welcomed the initiatives of Russia to create under the aegis of the UN a global system of counteraction to modern threats, to formulate a codex of protecting human rights from terrorism. Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka Mr. Lakshman Kasirgamar visited Moscow in June 2004. During his talks with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia Mr. Sergey V. Lavrov the Sides exchanged their views on the key issues of world and regional policy, as well as bilateral relations. The practice of meetings at high and the highest levels during working sessions of the UN General Assembly continues - a meeting of Minister Mr. Sergey V. Lavrov and President of Sri Lanka C.B.Kumaratunga took place in New York in September 2004. In 2006 Russia hosted an official visit of H.E. Mr. Mangala Samaraweera, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka and H.E. Mr. German Gref, Minister of Economic Development and Trade of the Russian Federation visited Sri Lanka to sign a bilateral agreement on accession of Russia to WTO. Nepal: The relations between the two countries have always been of friendly nature and never contained any contradictions. Historically they have been based on deep mutual sympathy and the similarity of our two nations' views on key global issues and challenges. Three times - in 1958, 1971 and 1976 - Nepalese Monarchs visited the Soviet Union. On December 27, 1991, Nepal recognized the Russian Federation as the successor of the Soviet Union. In late 1980s - early 1990s, both Russia and Nepal embarked on a path of serious political and social changes. While both nations at that period were focused mainly on the solution of their respective internal problems, the process of further development of the bilateral ties slowed down. In the middle of 1990s, Russia-Nepal relations started to revitalize proceeding from the past experience and having been adjusted to modern realities. In December 1992, regular consultations between the two Foreign Ministries were resumed. In the follow-up to the Protocol on Inter-Foreign Ministries Consultations signed in September 1995 during the Moscow visit of Nepal's Foreign Secretary K.B.Shrestha, the consultations were held in Kathmandu (in 1997, 2000 and 2003) and Moscow (in 1998 and 2002). In October 2005, the then Minister for Foreign Affairs R.N.Pandey paid a working visit to Russia at the invitation of the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs S.V.Lavrov. In September 2006, S.V.Lavrov had a meeting with the Deputy Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Nepal K.P.Sharma Oli in New York on the sidelines of the 61st session of the UN General Assembly. On July 20, 2006, the Prime Minister of Russia M.E.Fradkov and the Prime Minister of Nepal G.P.Koirala as well as the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs S.V.Lavrov and the Deputy Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Nepal K.P.Sharma Oli exchanged the congratulatory messages on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. In 2006, there were also some other events of great importance for the bilateral ties, including the visit of the Chief Justice of the Russian Federation V.M.Lebedev to Nepal (in March) and the visit of the Chief Justice D.K.Paudel to Russia (in December). 
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