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The emerging detente between India and China reflects the new mood in international relations, un–encumbered by ideological baggage and territorial conflicts. The driving force in international politics today is economic interaction and race to partake fully in the technological advances in this era of globalization.
Relations between Delhi and Beijing have moved beyond the phase of rapprochement and are now firmly on the road to economic and strategic partnership. Following Indian Prime Minister Vajpai’s visit to China in June 2003 and the return visit by the Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao in April 2005, the two countries agreed on a road map for substantive and cooperative relationship. China recognized India – an important neighbor as a rising regional power and the largest developing economy. To foster greater understanding and impart momentum to the process of building trust and understanding the year 2006 was declared as “India – China Friendship”.
President Hu Jintau visited India in November 2006 and the joint declaration issued after the wide ranging talks revealed a “ten-pronged strategy” to promote nuclear civilian cooperation and accelerate effort to settle boundary dispute in the knowledge that they are “not rival but partners for mutual benefits”. The declaration also stressed cooperation in space and satellite technology, use of outer space for peaceful purposes and joint projects in number of space ranging climate change to nanotechnology. The two countries agreed to double their bilateral trade to U.S. $ 40 billion by 2010, which they have achieved.
These relations were set in the conceptual framework of China’s world view outlined by Yu Xintian, President of Shanghai Institute of International Studies in his annual lecture in February 2006. Xintian identified seven trends in Chinese foreign policy till 2020.
First, China will continue to take advantage of opportunities raised by globalization to quicken the pace of integrating the domestic and world market. Second, Chinese government has realized that China has to care not only the impact that the out side world has on it, but be careful of the impact that China can have on the world as well.
Third, a new security concept and policy has evolved based on trust, mutual benefit and cooperation. The New Policy is one that encourages participation in multi-related cooperation and multi-lateral forum.
Fourth, China’s foreign policy with its neighbors is deemed important because of its influence in East Asia but also because China has to learn through cooperating with its neighbors how to be a regional and global actor and great power.
Fifth, China’s foreign policy will emphasize relations with existing great power and attempt to further improve relations. Sixth, China’s role in multilateral cooperation will increase and it will support developing countries to maintain their justified interest.
Seventh, China will continue to develop its soft power and emphasize the value of Chinese culture while co-existing and sharing progress with all other cultures.
The radical transformation in Chinese policy and economy, since the advent of 21st century is primarily a reflection of these principles. A brief look at the early history of bilateral relations would throw in focus the import of the current developments. In early 50’s Nehru and Chou En Li recognized the significance of close and cordial relations between two giants of Asia as a counter to West’s hostility and made rapid strides to develop bilateral ties. The personal rapport between the two leaders and common apprehensions and ambitions led to a warm embrace. India resonated with slogans of ‘Hindi-Chini bhai bhai’. The euphoria however, proved short-lived. India’s hegemonistic policy provoked a border clash in 1962 along NEFA on the question of demarcation of border. India was defeated and humiliated. The relations took a nose dive and until 1984, twenty two years after the war, there were no diplomatic contacts between the leaderships of two countries.
Both India and China, however, maintained a restrained outlook towards each in recognition of mutual potential and promise. China’s unstinted support to Pakistan during 1965 war and later in 1971 contributed, further to the estrangement with India. However, with the passing away of Chou En Li and Maotse Tung, the new leadership cut itself loose from the ideological constraints and followed a policy of realism and pragmatism. Deng Xiao-Ping (1978) was the embodiment of this policy. He introduced sweeping reforms to put the economic development of China as its top priority, indicating a shift from “proletarian internationalism to the pragmatic exigencies of the capitalist global economy”. India also made an agonizing reappraisal of its China policy. Rajiv Gandhi visited China in 1982 after 25 years. The historical visit in quarter of a century melted the ice and set the pace for reconciliation and engagement.
The study improvement in bilateral relations has continued with both countries realizing the emerging competition in international market. The most significant development has been their cooperation in the sphere of energy. They have agreed to joint bidding. In April 2010 the two succeeded in buying Petro-Canada 37% shares in Syria oil fields for U.S. $ 573 million. India is also exploring possibility of joint venture in Africa where China has pursued a vigorous policy in oil producing countries, South of Sahara and invested U.S. $ 5 billion.
Some analysts argue that India policy towards China has been encouraged and inspired by the U.S. as a part of its long term efforts to checkmate Chinese influence in the region. The argument being that both India and the U.S. see China as a major strategic threat and U.S. support to India is part of this containment strategy. This is misreading of the dynamics of the situation.
Beside the fact that growing economic relations are bringing the two countries in closer contact, they have entered into long range defense cooperation and signed a long term defense cooperation agreement in 2006. India no longer regards China as a military threat that it perceived until 1998 when India offered it a justification of its nuclear tests.
Nehru in his book ‘Discovery of India’ outlined the role of India in East Asia and Pacific in the following words: “The Pacific is likely to take the place of the Atlantic in the future as the nerve center of the world. Though not directly a pacific state, India will inevitable exercise an important influence there. India will also develop as the center of economic and political activity in the Indian Ocean area, in South-East Asia, right up to the Middle East.”
Manmohan Singh since his first term as Prime Minister in 90’s has pursued Nehru’s vision of India’s role in East Asia. Economic political and strategic relations with the countries in the region have developed phenomenally securing India a pivotal position. India has signed a Free Trade Agreement with ASEAN countries and is an active member of regional fora. Relations with China also reinforce this strategy. He met Premier Jiabao at the East Asia Summit held in October; who agreed with Manmohan Singh that there was “enough space for both countries to develop together in a mutually supportive manner” to realize their economic ambitions. Jiabao will be visiting India by this year’s end to reaffirm this philosophy and approach. 
Tayyab Siddiqui is the former Pakistani Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Indonesia, Egypt and Switzerland.
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