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 A peaceful and permanent solution to the Kashmir issue can only be achieved if the Line of Conflict can be converted into the Line of Collaboration.
After relative calm in recent years, Kashmir is burning again. Violence in the past couple of months has seen the death of over 65 civilians, in nearly 900 clashes with security forces. Thousands of Kashmiris have been thronging the streets chanting anti-India slogans. Killing of a teenage boy by the police and an alleged fake encounter with civilians triggered the protests in mid-June. The stone pelting protestors have injured over a thousand security personnel, and targeted the security personnels' vehicles, bunkers, police stations, railway stations and government offices.
The security forces, engaged in quelling insurgency and terrorist violence for over 20 years in the state, have been found ill-equipped to deal with this sudden burst of civilian protests. The efforts to suppress protests through force is fuelling the rage, creating a cycle of violence. Clashes between the forces and the protestors have led to more deaths, and in turn to more protests. Instead of launching a string of political, social and security initiatives to stem the anger of the people, in a completely absurd move, the government has brought in 1500 more security persons in an already heavily militarized region comprising approximately 500,000 military men, 40,000 Rashtriya Rifles, 21,000 Special Police Officers and approximately 80,000 State Police.
In 2008, India witnessed with glee and hope, a highly successful state assembly election with a record 60% turnout despite a boycott call by the separatist All Parties Hurriyat Conference. Insurgency was on an all-time low in the state with 91 civilian deaths in terrorist violence in 2008 as compared to 707 in 2004. The Kashmiri people had shown immense faith in the Indian democratic process and pinned their aspirations on the young and dynamic Omar Abdullah. However, Abdullah failed to deliver on election promises, mainly being the demilitarization of state and repealing of draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) that protects security personnel from scrutiny for their actions.
Since 1989, the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir has been a victim of extreme terrorist violence. Out of a population of 8 million, nearly 80,000 people have died since the inception of insurgency; a toll many times greater than the combined casualties of four wars fought between India and Pakistan. The culture of violence, human rights violations, lack of quality educational system, lack of employment and absence of effective governance in the state, has seriously impacted the Kashmiri youth.
What is visible on the streets of Kashmir is spontaneous uprising of these educated but largely unemployed young people, who have grown up in the shadows of violence and long curfews, and who are aware that they have been denied justice, rights and opportunities available to the citizenry of a democratic nation. They personify the innermost desire of Kashmiris to find a resolution to the contracted conflict that has kept them in perpetual confines of fear and force for over six decades. Government's act to curb the protests by force, vindicates and strengthens their firm belief that it's only through continuation of protests, that Kashmiris will be able to force the government for a political solution. The fact that the protestors persevered despite strict curfews and shoot at sight orders, underlines the failure of force in redeeming the situation.
New Delhi has always maintained that Kashmir is an integral and inalienable part of India, and has spent crores of rupees to win loyalty of Kashmiris. Jammu and Kashmir, under its special status, receives huge financial assistance from the Central government, with over 10% of the total central assistance to all states channeled to J & K. It also spends 8-10 times more money on a Kashmiri than on a citizen of any other state of India. The entire security expenditure and financial assistance to migrants is also borne by New Delhi. Apart from these, the Indian government sanctions various multi-million rupees packages for the welfare of the state and its people. However, this prolonged pacification with money has also not brought either allegiance or peace for India.
The Home Minister and the security forces argue that the protests are engineered - something that has not held much water with Indian media and scholars, nor has much evidence to support it. However, it cannot be denied that terrorist groups would be quick to exploit the deteriorating situation in the state, and try to spark a new India-Pakistan crisis over Kashmir. An Indo-Pak war at this stage could seriously destabilize the whole region by adversely impacting the U.S. AfPak campaign and Pakistan's attempts to thwart the spread of militancy in its territory.
Therefore, what is required immediately is for the political leaders to reign in the situation by reaching out to the people of Kashmir to assuage their fears and address their grievances. However, what is required for establishing long term peace in the state is a sincere commitment to find political solution to the Kashmir imbroglio.
The Kashmir issue has multiple dimensions. For India, it is a question of holding on to its borders and secularism - both being fundamental to avoid other secessionist movements from flaring up in a country that is a kaleidoscopic milieu of cultures, languages and religions; it also is a question of preserving its perceived image of a regional super power. For Pakistan, it is the question of being answerable to generations of people brought up on the notion that Kashmir belongs to them and raison d'être for Pakistani military to justify its size and need for monetary activities; but most importantly, it is about securing its life line - the important water sources emanating from the valley. For Kashmiris, it is the question of preserving their Kashmiriyat and the right to a life of peace, dignity and opportunity. The Kashmir issue can be tackled only if all the three parties are satisfied simultaneously.
A peaceful and permanent solution to the Kashmir issue can only be achieved by converting the Line of Conflict into Line of Collaboration. This requires higher degree of autonomy and devolution of power on both sides of Kashmir and rendering LoC irrelevant by allowing freedom of movement of goods and people. India needs to demilitarize J&K and embark on a quick and effective rehabilitation and reconstruction process in the state. Pakistan needs to respond in a similar manner on its side of Kashmir. Once these is achieved, selected elements from both the countries and both sides of Kashmir can come together to form an observatory council that formulates plans for the development of Kashmir on both sides, and promotes economic, social and cultural exchanges across the line of collaboration. A scenario where Kashmiris largely govern their own affairs and move about freely across the border like the pre-1947 days; where India avoids redrawing its borders; and where water supply to Pakistan is ensured - is ideal for all the three parties involved. This can however happen only in an atmosphere of trust and bonhomie between India and Pakistan and in absence of terrorist insurgencies into J&K and India from across the border.
It is for the people and governments of India and Pakistan to decide, whether they want to restore peace on the piece of land famously known as "heaven on earth" or they want to remain bogged down by historical baggage and compromise the future of Kashmir and the subcontinent. 
The writer is a political analyst based in Mumbai and specializes in security and governance issues of South Asia.
Semu Bhatt is a Mumbai-based independent political analyst specializing in security and governance issues. She is co-author of Cost of Conflict between India and Pakistan and Cost of Conflict in Sri Lanka.
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