 The ride has been rough so far and the destination elusive but there is still hope for Pakistan. Democracy in Pakistan today is on life support, forced to beg or borrow resources from outside to sustain its status. Ever since gaining independence in 1947 we seem to be striving for a stable democracy but it has remained elusive. Political leaders have always claimed that they have been fighting for democracy in the country but the facts do not support their claim. Ground realities are quite contrary to what they profess and their claims are nothing more than worthless rhetoric. They have not even been able to run their parties on democratic principles and have never been role models to inspire the youth of Pakistan.
Pakistan inherited a feudal culture in politics at the time of independence as the Muslim League, which was considered the architect of the new-born country, had a string of leaders with a feudal background whose mindset was not at all democratic. Unfortunately, the middle class was never given a chance to throw up political leadership that could run the government. The Quaid-e-Azam or his lieutenant Liaquat Ali Khan did not live long enough to ensure that the country could be run on sound democratic lines.
Doors of the corridors of power in Pakistan were first opened to the Army in 1953, when Martial Law was imposed in Lahore for one month to deal with the violent agitation of the anti-Qadiani movement. The period up to October 1958 saw a number of governments coming into power and replaced without any signs of stability. President Iskander Mirza imposed Martial Law on October 7, 1958 after abrogating the constitution. The Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan Army, Gen Mohammad Ayub Khan was appointed as the Chief Martial Law Administrator.
This was a very significant phase in the country's history as the politicians of that era had failed the nation by not being able to provide a stable democratic government to run the affairs. The frequent change of governments and the leaders' power struggle had made the country an object of ridicule in the eyes of the world. This was the worst face of democracy presented in Pakistan. The citizens were fed up with the state of affairs and felt relieved when Martial Law was imposed, not realizing the dangerous trend that was allowed to set in. On October 27, Gen Ayub Khan sent President Iskander Mirza packing and took charge of the affairs of government.
Gen Ayub Khan introduced a new political system of Basic Democracy and gave a new constitution to the country in June 1962. The Parliamentary form of government was replaced by the Presidential form. Gen Ayub Khan ensured that he was installed as the President to provide continuity for implementing the development plans. It did provide stability to the new democratic system, improved the economic scenario to a great extent and enhanced the country's image, but at the cost of developing a genuine political leadership. Democracy survived in the country till March 25, 1969 when, under the pressure of increasing agitations and a strong political campaign by the opposition to oust him, Ayub Khan decided to quit. He abrogated the 1962 Constitution, imposed Martial Law and handed over the offices of the President and Chief Martial Law Administrator to the Army Chief, General Mohammad Yahya Khan. This was another blow to democracy.
The politicians of that era were indirectly responsible for this change though they had never imagined that Ayub Khan would be replaced by another military ruler. It was unfortunate that a democratic movement to change the government ended in derailment of democracy in whatever form it existed. Some significant changes were announced by Gen Yahya Khan, including the dissolution of the One Unit; holding election on the basis of Adult Franchise and reverting to Parliamentary form of government. It all sounded very well till the results of election held in 1970 were announced. A rift was caused among the political parties when Sheikh Mujib's Awami League obtained majority in the National Assembly and Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party emerged as the second largest party by securing maximum seats in the western wing. Awami League, by virtue of its majority in the National Assembly, claimed the right to form the government but was not allowed to do so by Gen Yahya on the advice of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The principles of democracy were forgotten by the parties claiming to be democratic and a situation was created that led to a strong Army action in East Pakistan and subsequent break-up of the country after a war with India, which had intervened in support of Awami League's rebellion against the federal government in 1971.
Subsequent years saw a ‘musical chairs' like situation in the truncated Pakistan where democratic governments came to power and were ousted by the military or by the elected Presidents between 1988 and 1999. A ‘tug of war' was played by the two major political parties i.e., Muslim League and the Pakistan Peoples Party. These two parties took turns to run the government but failed to provide stable governance due to the constant negative efforts of both to pull down the one in majority. A stable democracy could never be achieved.
In states which have prospering democracies, political parties launch campaigns to organize voters who support a particular party on the basis of a program or manifesto that identifies with their goals. Understanding of a political party's manifesto is, therefore, essential for the voters. Political awareness in the voters for electing the right candidate is essential which comes with education and this is where Pakistan has lagged behind. Here most of the voters cast their votes according to the instructions of their masters, who either rule their minds through coercion or buy their votes. The possibility of the right candidates reaching the assemblies is, therefore, remote.
The relationship between democracy and development is also vital for economic growth and overall progress. It is the responsibility of the government to ensure the right balance in that relationship for stability and good governance to satisfy the people. It is good governance that enhances the confidence of the people in democratic process and strengthens democracy. When the government fails to work towards economic stability and growth, it has to depend on external sources.
The prevailing poor conditions in Pakistan in almost all areas are fraught with grave consequences. It is certainly not an ideal scenario for a stable democracy to take root. How long can Pakistan depend on foreign aid for sustenance? If Pakistan has to come at par with other democracies in Asia it will have to earnestly plan and implement those plans with dedication and sincerity. The situation demands a dynamic and inspiring leadership. There is no short-cut to a stable democracy and no shot in the arm can turn a host of incompetent and corrupt leaders into sincere and dedicated ones. It is for the youth, the middle class and the technocrats to work together, set goals and strive to achieve them. Some areas that need immediate attention include:
• Education and awareness of the voters.
• A transparent election process to ensure a worthy legislature.
• Good governance to achieve economic stability and growth.
• Genuinely independent judiciary and delivery of speedy justice.
• Honest and dedicated officialdom, which only a dynamic leader can ensure.
• A foreign policy to provide security from external threat.
The road to a stable democracy in Pakistan may be difficult but it is not impossible to achieve. We have quite a few dedicated and sincere people who have worked hard and shown results that were considered very difficult to achieve. All the tried and failed politicians will have to be forced to quit the scene to enable the new ones to attempt a change for Pakistan's fortunes. The future still holds promise. 
Munir Ishrat Rahmani is a former Colonel of the Pakistan Army. He is a graduate of the Command and Staff College, Quetta and has fought during the 1965 and 1971 Indo-Pakistan Wars. He was stationed in East Pakistan during the 1971 conflict and is the author of a forthcoming book on Indo-Pak military history.
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