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With rising Islamic fundamentalism permeating the country, the political system in Bangladesh and parties find themselves victimized by radical ideology. Among the active-resource starved, densely populated third world countries of South Asia, if any country deserves praise for putting up a consistent fight against a long list of odds and for carving significant achievements out of the challenges, it would be Bangladesh. However, rising Islamic radicalization has posed a challenge to the liberal forces in the third largest Muslim country of the world.
Rising from the ashes of a nine-month long civil war, Bangladesh emerged as an independent state in December 1971. Its politics tasted various flavors sliding up and down the see-saw of military dictatorship and civilian regimes during the past four decades. Amid multifaceted challenges of frequent natural disasters, the impact of global economic recession and experiencing the rising phenomenon of religious extremism, Bangladesh has recorded encouraging steady economic growth since the 1980s.
Military rule may not be welcome anywhere, but despite its down side, it did set certain good trends for Bangladesh during the state of emergency that existed from January 2007 to December 2008. The regime achieved landmark institutional changes such as a rigorous campaign against corruption and successfully separating the executive and judiciary for it to operate more independently.
Despite all the positive indicators, the country is trailing in its struggle to overpower corruption, nepotism and unjust distribution of resources – a phenomenon rampant in the third world, which is still holding the country from achieving its development goals. Although trade and budget deficits, under-employment, and rising inflation continue to crawl in the country’s backyard, over the past two decades of diligent struggle, Bangladesh had demonstrated significant progress in population control, pursued an ambitious poverty alleviation program and spurred economic productivity, particularly in its garment industry.
Bangladesh possesses strong ingredients of nation-building, such as religious and linguistic homogeneity as 98 percent of its inhabitants are ethnic Bengali. However, the secular chemistry of Muslims, 80 percent of a total population of 158 million, is being threatened by the rise of Islamist orthodoxy which aims to topple the Awami League (AL). The Awami conglomerate of liberal political forces scored a landslide victory against the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) alliance that supports religious groups, spearheaded by Jamaat-i-Islami (JI).
The political transformation in Bangladesh can be categorized into four different phases: (a) civilian regime 1972-75 (b) military and military influenced rule 1975-90 (c) democratic civilian governance 1991-2006, and (d) military-supported caretaker government 2007-08. The three main political parties of Bangladesh are: Awami League which is led by Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh National Party (BNP) with Khalida Zia in the driving seat and the Jatiya Party of General Ershad - all claiming to be democratic parties championing the cause of democracy, but miles away from any democracy within the party.
The politico-religious parties have risen and gained influence since 1978 and their proliferation continued through the late 1990s and early 2000s. A turning point in Bangladeshi politics was witnessed in the elections of October 2001 when the Jamaat-i-Islami gained influence under the flag of the BNP, which had won the elections then.
The Afghan jihad against former Soviet Union, Al Qaeda, socio-economic deprivation and the rising anti-Americanism have inspired radical elements at the grassroots in Bangladesh. For instance, Hizb-ut-Tahrir, founded in Jerusalem in 1953, opened its Bangladesh chapter in November 2001. The Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), that derives inspiration from the Afghan Taliban movement, was formed in 1998, but came into the limelight in 2004 as an antagonist to leftist Purbo Banglar Communist Party (East Bengal’s Communist Party). Islami Olkyo Jote (IOJ) – a smaller Islamist party - joined the BNP cluster in 2001. Interestingly its leader Nazirur Rahman Manzur does not possess a significant Islamic profile.
The other politico-religious parties and Islamist extremist groups operating in Bangladesh that have openly declared support for Al Qaeda and Taliban include: Jamaat-i-Islami and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS – Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba), Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HUJI), The Jihad Movement, Arakan Rohingya National Organization (ARNO), Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) and others.
The first Constitution of Bangladesh was secular in nature and was implemented in 1972. The element of Islam or religious orthodoxy was injected into the Constitution after the military coup of 1975. Islam was declared the state religion with the introduction of the Eighth Amendment in 1988. Hardliners such as JI crept into the government in 2001 as non-liberal forces brought fundamentalist groups under their flag to gain a political edge over the opponents. The cluster of fundamentalist Islamist groups had been pivotal in dictating terms overshadowing liberal colors of the secular Bangladeshi society, initiating street violence and frightening symbols of liberalism to press the introduction and enforcement of Shar’iah (Islamic jurisprudence).
Interestingly, not all the champions of Shar’iah are madrassah graduates but a mix from various poor segments of society. They have found solace in the Islamist groups to bring social change and perceive radical platforms as a means to achieve their objective. Ineffectiveness of both military and civilian leaderships to bring about significant social change in the country together with the impact of radicalization of some parts of the region, have been pivotal in helping the fundamentalists gain momentum. However, despite radical implants on a political chemistry change in Bangladesh, the fact remains that religious pluralism under the liberal Sufi traditions are popular across the country as the main belief system. These traditions promote tolerance and provide cultural and religious harmony that Bengalis have been accustomed to living with and cherishing for centuries.
At the center of a seriously concerned international environment and the need to keep the Bangladeshi economy and social development sector moving, it is expected that the fundamentalists might continue as a pressure group but would not be able to get into the driving seat in Bangladesh. 
Syed Moazzam Hashmi is a political and security analyst, senior journalist and former political affairs advisor to the U.S. Consulate General in Karachi.
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