The Long and Short of March


Written by S.G. Jilanee • Cover Stories • April 2009

Pakistanis were not alone in watching the “pilgrim's progress” with bated breath; excitement seekers round the world had their eyes glued to the television sets to watch the great spectacle of a political kurukshetra to be enacted on Constitution Avenue in Islamabad on March 16.

Having hijacked the lawyers' movement, Nawaz Sharif was now leading the march. Momentum had been gathering since Friday when the march was launched. On Sunday night it seemed to be reaching its peak as the caravan proceeded towards Kala Shah Kaku and Gujranwala. TV channels presented pictures of large crowds beating their chests and chanting full-throated slogans in a demonstration of street power, alternating with shots from Lahore, where, after a few scuffles between police and protesters and tear gas shelling, ultimately the police withdrew in a strategic move to avoid violence.

The administration tried to thwart the marchers. Section 144 was promulgated all over the country, prohibiting assembly of more than four people. Many lawyers and ML (N) leaders were detained. Road blocks were erected at all important points. But it was the Constitution Avenue that gave the impression as though the government had staked its very existence on it; its entrance was blocked with huge containers and guarded by hundreds of police and paramilitary troops, while the army remained in a standby mode.

Imran Khan went underground giving TV interviews from his hideout and promising to surface on 16 March, in time to join Nawaz and Qazi Hussain. Mediation efforts by Asfandyar Wali, Maulana Fazlur Rahman and Aslam Raisani, between President Zardari and the Sharif Brothers, as well as fervent appeals by Altaf Hussain, to each side to hold fire, failed to bring any thaw.

Headmaster Holbrooke,-President Obama's pick to keep Pakistan to heel, also spoke to the president. Hillary Clinton and David Miliband offered counsel, while their ambassadors shuttled between Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif. One point both US and UK stressed was that a peaceful protest march was the protesters' democratic right.

Another important functionary who held frequent meetings during the last few days, with the president and prime minister, was the army chief, Ashfaq Kayani. Indeed it was this factor that triggered speculations about army intervention. Even when the army chief declared that he had no desire to seize power, some people almost fondly recalled how Gen. Kakar had, with a swing of his swagger stick, sent Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and President Ghulam Ishaq Khan home. But this analogy, quite obviously, did not apply in the instant case.

However, every step the government took to obstruct the march further fueled the protesters' resolve and Nawaz Sharif's rhetoric became more bellicose and vitriolic. At last a stage arrived when open opposition to the use of force surfaced even in the government's camp and the DCO and the DIG (Operations) Lahore, offered to resign their offices.

Even Information Minister, Sherry Rahman resigned when, intruding into her turf, Rahman Malik gagged GEO TV's transmissions in certain areas. Sources say that Prime Minister Gilani tried to talk her into taking her resignation back, with alternative offers of foreign or defence portfolios, but, outraged as she was, she declined. This was perhaps the last straw on the camel's back that prodded the president to rethink his policy, becuse, while Raza Rabbani's resignation, earlier, could be overlooked as due to personal dissatisfaction at being denied the Senate chairman's slot, the same could not be said of Sherry Rahman.

During all these developments tension had been rising. Live transmissions on the TV showed exceedingly charged masses determined to reach Islamabad for the promised dharna. By March 15 midnight an apocalypse seemed inevitable next morning.

But it was a quite different kind of morning that dawned on the 16th. At 5.50 a.m. Mr. Gilani came on the state television to address the nation. He announced that Iftikhar Chaudhry and other judges removed on 3rd November, 2007, will be restored and government will file review petition against the Sharifs' disqualification, ordered immediate withdrawal of Section 144 Cr. P. C. throughout the country and release of people detained under Maintenance of Public Order (MPO) during the march.

By the offer to file review petition on the Sharifs' behalf, Mr. Gilani was only going an extra mile to soothe their anger. Nawaz had already declared that his goal was not political power for the Sharifs. His fight was only for a better future for Pakistan, exemplified by an independent judiciary that only Iftikhar Chaudhry could guarantee. But, in fact, he has set his sights much higher.

Mr. Gilani's speech was hailed not only within the country but also abroad, -in Washington, New Delhi and London. Though his announcement was, without a question, a dramatic volte face for the government, but it had the magic effect of taking the wind entirely out of the marchers' sails. The scenario was suddenly transformed. Nawaz called off the march and turned back to Raiwind. His vitriol against the president changed to praise. Protesters turned revelers. Even the country's stock exchanges registered a substantial jump in share prices.

The judges have been restored through an “Executive Order,” just as envisaged in the Murree Declaration. Mr. Gilani's explanation for doing this now rather than earlier, was that reinstating Chaudhry earlier would have caused a legal controversy, because, there could not be two Chief Justices functioning at the same time. And Justice Dogar was already in place. Now, that he is retiring on 21 March, there was no obstacle for Chaudhry to be restored to take charge from March 22.

For the present all seems well. But as Nawaz Sharif declared in his address to his workers on the following day, this is the beginning of his revolutionary programme. He plans to set the country on a new course for which he asked for and was given a pledge of support by a show a thousand pairs of hands.

An upbeat Sharif also demanded immediate withdrawal of governor's rule from Punjab. But, while Mr. Gilani might oblige him on this issue, the thorn in Sharifs' side will still remain in the person of Governor Salman Taseer. Then, there is the question of who forms the government in the province. The proposed review of Shahbaz's disqualification is now under a cloud. According to Eitezaz Ahsan, only the judges that passed the impugned judgment could hear the review petition, but Chief Justice Dogar has, since, retired.

Even governor's rule would be rescinded when a party, singly or in coalition, is in a position to form government. But, so far, none has come forward. A return to the PML (N)- PPP coalition seems unrealistic. Because, the PML (Q) holds the balance, Both PPP andPML (N) are trying to win its support. Latest reports say that it has rejected PPP's overture. But it has not committed itself to supporting PML (N), either. With forward blocs forming in both MLs and members changing loyalties every other day, Punjab politics remain in a flux, prolonging the governor's rule.

Conclusion: The movement succeeded principally because it was non-violent throughout. Now that their purpose has been achieved, the lawyers' chapter has closed. Their movement was not political and they have no direct role in politics except as members of different parties.

Nawaz Sharif seems to have emerged as a popular leader. But, the crowds he drew, all came from his own province, Punjab. He has yet to prove his credentials as a national leader with support in all provinces. Asif Zardari has been badly bruised and must take urgent steps at damage control, the first of which would be to shed the parasites.