Avoidable Faceoff

Written by Sabih Mohsin • October 2010

book1 The most dominant factor governing Pakistan's foreign policy since its coming into existence, has been its security concern against its eight times larger eastern neighbor, India. At the same time, the Kashmir dispute has occupied the centre stage in India-Pakistan relations and the failure to resolve it has resulted in the continuation of a policy of confrontation between the two countries. However, the time has come now for Pakistan to set aside the Kashmir issue for the time being and restore a normal relationship with India in the fields of trade, culture and technology. These are the main conclusions derived by former Pakistani diplomat Shahid Amin in his book, Pakistan's Foreign Policy-A Reappraisal.

The author has arrived at these conclusions after a brutal and detailed analysis of the various related aspects. He maintains that holding the Kashmir issue in abeyance has become necessary because Pakistan's own survival and welfare is more important than every thing else. Pakistan must pay full attention to the recovery of its shattered economy. And for this purpose, peace in the region is the foremost requirement.

Title: Pakistan's Foreign Policy - A Reappraisal (Second Edition)

Author: Shahid M. Amin

Publisher: Oxford University Press, Pakistan (May, 2010)

Pages: 356 pages, Paperback

Price: PKR 395

ISBN-10: 0195479122

ISBN-13: 9780195479126

On the whole, the above assessment seems to be correct and acceptable. However, there is one point advanced by the author in the course of his assessment, to which it is difficult to subscribe. Discussing the reasons behind Pakistan's obsessive concern about a threat to its existence from India, events leading to the partition of the sub-continent in 1947 have been recalled. Referring to the aversion of the Congress leadership to the partition of the country, it has been stated that India still wants to undo the partition. But facts indicate otherwise. In December 1971, India was in a position to annul the partition, at least partially. Her forces were in full control of what was East Pakistan, and the people of that part of the sub-continent were grateful to India for relieving them from a West Pakistani rule. However, neither the government of India made any attempt nor the people of West Bengal raised any voice, for the unification of Bengal. And that was despite the fact that only 65 years earlier, when the British Raj had partitioned Bengal in 1905, so much hue and cry was raised that the measure had to be withdrawn within a few years.

But this does not imply that India no longer poses any threat to Pakistan's security. The threat is very much there but the tactics have changed. Instead of the nullification of partition, India now aims at creation of insurgency in the various provinces of Pakistan, particularly in Sindh and Balochistan. The object is the further disintegration of Pakistan into smaller entities on which it would be easier for India to establish her hegemony.

Providing a glimpse into the working inside the Foreign Office (FO), the author laments over an adhocism resulting from the general practice of the heads of government to give directives on a given issue without any prior consultation with the Foreign Office. The function of the FO is thus reduced simply to justify through its spokesman the stand taken by the government.

However, the author is also skeptical about the ability of the Foreign Office to provide any considered opinion on any issue. A Research Wing has existed since long. But instead of being staffed by the most brilliant brains, it has been used as a dumping ground for those who cannot be given any other posting. According to him, those posted on the political desks, often play a more significant role. But they too learn about the complexities of the issues only while working on the job, as they generally do not possess any previous experience or specialized training on the concerned geographical area when posted on the desk. A depressing picture indeed and that too, in a field which is considered to be ‘the first line of defence' of any country.

Shahid Amin believes that until 1954 the Soviet Union was neutral with respect to its relations with India and Pakistan. He does not subscribe to the theory often put forward by some that the Soviet Union was hurt as the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan, had not visited Moscow although an invitation had been extended to him by the Soviets. He maintains that the visit could not materialize as Moscow had failed to fix a date for some ‘obscure' reason and in the meanwhile Liaquat was assassinated. Relations with Soviet Union took a negative turn in the mid fifties when Pakistan joined some U.S. sponsored pacts and alliances.

The book also reviews Pakistan's relations with various Muslim countries. Though Pakistan has a strong attachment to Islamic ideology, many Muslim countries do not have the same kind of commitment to Islam. Some of them have had a leaning towards socialism while some prefer a secular outlook. Consequently, Pakistan has received only a limited support from the Islamic world in its confrontation with India. Some Muslim countries have indeed been more inclined towards India. Nasser of Egypt joined hands with Nehru of India to launch the so-called Non-Aligned Movement.

The author believes that besides a common dislike of India, other mutual interests have also been effective in the development of friendship between Pakistan and China. After the communist revolution in China, it was generally presumed that the seat of China in the UN Security Council would henceforth be occupied by the Chinese communist government. Since the Kashmir dispute was then under consideration there, Pakistan was quick to recognize the new Chinese regime. China, too, found itself isolated in the international community and, therefore, found it in its own interest to strengthen its relations with Pakistan.

Commenting on the post 9/11 developments, the author maintains that the U.S.-India relationship has taken a ‘quantum leap'. The U.S. has entered into a ‘strategic partnership' with India which would bring China and Pakistan even closer. The final conclusion arrived at, is that the subcontinent faces an uncertain future in the days ahead.

The book provides considerable insight into the various aspects of Pakistan's foreign policy since its inception to the present day. It was first published in the year 2000. The second edition which is under review, was brought out in 2010, with the addition of one chapter discussing developments in Pakistan's foreign policy after 9/11.