|
 If the recent case of Jamshed Dasti is an example of how democracy works, then it is not very good news for the people of Pakistan. Pakistan today is a noisy place. There are myriad opinions and they are all voiced. Corruption, provincial autonomy, constitutional amendments, terrorism, civil-military relations and ties with the U.S. are all under discussion. Regardless of how effectively these issues are being resolved, it is clear that the process is more transparent than it has ever been as far back as I remember.
Amidst the din, there are the familiar conspiracy theorists, those who have been unwisely predicting an imminent demise of the democratic setup at the hands of what they refer to as "a judicial-military alliance", and the cynics, who claim that every move of the ruling Pakistan People's Party (PPP) leadership and that of the main opposition party, Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N), must have been dictated by either Washington or military headquarters in Rawalpindi. But those, who, like me, tend to take things at face value, believe that the current democratic setup is sovereign and will survive, as it deserves to, but it must focus on improving its performance.
It is true that there is currently a tussle between the judiciary and the executive. The judiciary is targeting the executive on long-standing corruption charges. Supporters of President Zardari claim that the targeting is one-sided as the corruption of opposition leaders and military men is not being challenged. There is weight in this argument, but there is little to suggest that the reason for this is a "judicial-military alliance," as it was under military rule that the current Chief Justice was deposed, and the two-year long lawyers' movement to restore the judiciary was opposed by the military, except at the very end when the strength of the movement was such that it could not be denied. In all likelihood, the judiciary is asserting itself as another forceful organ of state, markedly different from the pliant judiciaries of the past.
The military, on the other hand, is still a formidable player in Pakistan and its influence greater than in other democracies. There are several reasons for this. The first is its entrenched role in civilian affairs as a result of successive periods of dictatorial military rule. Second is the failure of democratic governments to offer better governance and relief to the people than military rulers. And lastly, the role played by the Pakistani Army in defeating the Soviets in Afghanistan as well as, more recently, fighting off the Taliban, has allowed the military a say in foreign policy which it otherwise would not have had. But there is an interesting twist here.
While in the eighties, the military under Zia ul Haq was heavily indoctrinated with jihadi ideology, fully supported by western powers, post-9/11 the military has had to take a U-turn on this policy. Much has been written, particularly in the western press, regarding the Pakistani military's dual policy in respect of the jihadis and Taliban. Nevertheless, it would be fair to say that barring small sections of the force who still sympathize with jihadi ideology, overwhelmingly the page has been turned. This then has important consequences on the military's political choices within Pakistan.
Whereas previously, right-wing parties, in favor of the jihadi ideology, suited the military's interests, today the wind has changed direction. Parties like PPP (led by Bhutto's widower, Asif Zardari) and Awami National Party (popular in the northwest frontier province), that were previously considered either foes or traitors by the military, are now tolerated because their outlook on defeating the Taliban helps create the political climate which allows the military to conduct its operations against the militant groups. Extreme right religious parties on the other hand, are quite upset with the army on its about face and thus it is not exactly in the army's interest to derail the present democratic setup.
On the domestic front, however, Pakistan is bearing the brunt of the terrorist backlash. The new jihadi policy, though fundamentally sound, comes with a heavy burden. Suicide bombings at marketplaces, snipers atop school rooftops, and targeted attacks on law enforcement and military families are the cost of this war. Resources are scarce, equipment often lacking and thus the sacrifice demanded by law enforcement personnel a lot greater than it would be in developed countries. But there is also cause for some hope as there is reason to believe that the lives laid down in this fight have not been in vain. The Swat Valley, though not entirely peaceful yet, has managed to re-open the girls' schools that had previously been shut down. An army-sponsored school in the valley is working with neuropsychologists to educate young boys, used as child fighters by the Taliban, in mathematics and religious lessons that stress the importance of democracy over suicide bombings.
Yet joblessness, rampant inflation and hours of "load shedding" leaves much of the country despondent. On structural issues, like inter-provincial relations, the ruling coalition, led by the PPP, can be credited with good initiatives. The National Finance Commission Award, for instance, has reworked the distribution of funds among the provinces and increased Balochistan's share by nine percent. Balochistan has always felt aggrieved as a resource-rich province neglected because of its small population. Elections have been held for the first time in Gilgit-Baltistan, another less developed area in the north, which has historically not had full provincial status or adequate democratic representation. An ambitious constitutional reforms package, which has drawn on the views of disparate political parties, has undone amendments made by Musharraf so that a purer parliamentary form of democracy can be resurrected. Also noteworthy is the enactment of legislation to protect women in the workplace from
sexual harassment.
Nevertheless, when it comes to corruption scandals and effectiveness in providing basic necessities to people, the government's performance is abysmal. Instead of taking initiatives to increase taxes on the rich, create gainful employment, improve public services or curtail government expenditure, the focus appears to be on packing public sector organizations with party loyalists without regard to merit. Ministers and other governmental VIPs regularly disobey the law by driving around in tinted-glass SUVs without number plates, adding to the ubiquitously prevalent sense of lawlessness. On a more troubling note, Jamshed Dasti, a member of the national assembly from the ruling PPP found to have faked his academic degree, when questioned in the Supreme Court, was unable to do even basic maths,. As a consequence Dasti had to resign from his seat but was retained as an adviser by Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani. Later when Dasti decided to contest a by-election for a vacant seat, instead of a reprimanding the erring parliamentarian, Prime Minister Gilani actively campaigned for his re-election and helped him win back his seat.
In a country fraught with illiteracy, where middle-class charitable efforts struggle to fill the massive void created by an inattentive government, Dasti's case leads to further despondency. The government needs to seriously curtail the wild and rampant ministerial expenditures, not to mention other transgressions, and reform the regressive tax structure. There is no capital gains tax and the highest rate of income tax is a measly 25% with land owners and businesspeople often avoid paying altogether, which leaves corporate employees to shoulder most of the burden. It will be very difficult to convince the ordinary citizen of the benefits of democracy, even though the democratic government is doing a decent job of correcting some much-needed structural imbalances.
|
Show/hide comments
Show/hide comment form
