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It is now one year since the end of the bloody 26-year civil war involving Tamil minority and Sinhalese majority in Sri Lanka. The country witnessed intensified military confrontations between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Sri Lankan armed forces during much of the nineties. The LTTE was fighting for a separate Tamil homeland. The Sri Lankan government's decision to involve Norway for facilitating the peace process in 1997, led to the declaration of unilateral ceasefire between 2000 and 2001. However, an atmosphere of mistrust prevailed between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government. Eventually, Norwegian negotiator's shuttle diplomacy led to the signing of the Ceasefire Agreement in 2002 by the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE. Both agreed to resolve their disputes through negotiations. However, the systematic and continued violations of the Ceasefire Agreement were committed by both sides. Both sides began direct talks in September 2002. Six rounds of talks were held - five in Thailand and one in Japan - all moderated by Norwegian negotiator. However, the talks stalled in April 2003 as no headway could be made on LTTE's demand for an interim administration for the North-East province, the Tamil majority area. Despite Norwegian efforts the talks could not be resumed till November 2005, when the fifth presidential elections were held in Sri Lanka.
The Sri Lankan Freedom Party (SLFP), then ruling party, nominated Mohinda Rajapakse as the presidential candidate. Mr. Rajapakse formed an election alliance with Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), along with the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) and Muslim parties. The JVP and JHU are hardline Sinhalese parties and strongly oppose the LTTE. Mr. Rajapakse in written agreements with JVP and JHU agreed to fully revise the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement; to prefer direct negotiations with LTTE than through Norwegian mediator; and to support unitary structure for Sri Lanka. The election agreement was opposed by the LTTE and it boycotted the 2005 Presidential elections. Mr. Rajapakse, after winning the election announced that he would 'engage in direct talks with the LTTE.' The LTTE retaliated with attacks on the Sri Lankan military. There was increased international pressure on the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE for resuming the peace process. As a result of Norwegian mediation efforts the Sri Lankan government and LTTE representatives agreed to meet in Geneva and the first round was held in February 2006. The LTTE supported a federal structure for Sri Lanka, whereas the government supported a unitary system. In view of the serious differences the talks failed followed by military operation by the Sri Lankan Army against the LTTE in April 2006. This was the beginning of the Eelam War IV. Finally, the Eelam War IV ended in May 2009 after the killing of LTTE leader, Vellupillai Prabhakaran, by the Sri Lankan Army leading to the defeat of the LTTE. The 26-year civil war left 80,000 dead and 2.8 lakh fled from the Northern and Eastern Provinces and were placed in welfare camps in Sri Lanka. According to CIA Factbook an estimated 400,000 Tamils were forced to leave Sri Lanka and are based in various countries.
After three decades of civil war President Rajapakse's government was able to secure the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. However the government has been facing some tough challenges. During the last months of the war in 2009, because of the brutal military operation by the Sri Lankan Army against the LTTE, the international community and various international human rights organizations blame Sri Lankan government of being guilty of 'war crimes' and 'crime against humanity'. For example, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and the Committee to Protect Journalists in their reports have blamed the Sri Lankan government of extra-judicial killings during the war. According to a UN report issued in March 2010, more than 7,000 civilians were killed during the final days of the war against the Tamil Tigers. As reported the UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon is in the process of selecting a panel of experts to examine the alleged human rights abuses during the civil war in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan government, however, denies these allegations and has rejected the appointment of the panel. According to a statement issued by President Rajapakse's office in March 2010 he said that the allegations were "misrepresented." The President has regarded the appointment of the UN expert panel as "totally uncalled for and unwanted." Moreover, Sri Lankan Foreign Minister, Rohitha Bogollogama, in a statement on April 3, 2010, noted that the UN after nine years appointed a committee to investigate UK's conduct during the Iraq war, whereas Sri Lanka is being put under pressure only after nine months. He hoped that the UN would 'act with mutual respect' in case of Sri Lanka.
Internally, during the post-May 2009 period the Sri Lankan government had to deal with major challenges, such as resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), mainly Tamil and Muslims from the Northern and Eastern provinces; restoration of political structures; economic and social structural development and restoration of civil liberties. For the resettlement of IDPs, the immediate concern of the government was demining of the region. The LTTE had laid down mines and explosives in the two provinces during the prolonged civil war. According to information on the Presidential website, after clearing the residential areas, over 1.93 lakh IDPs have been resettled in the Northern and Eastern provinces and only 76,205 are in the welfare camps. Work on socio-economic infrastructure is continuing. However, the international organizations have regarded the reconstruction process as "not up to international standards."
To strengthen Sri Lanka's territorial integrity, there is a need to bridge the ethnic divide and political polarization between the Tamils and Sinhalese. Political structures have to be set up to remove the feeling of isolation among the Tamils developed during the civil war. The voting pattern during the recently held presidential and parliamentary elections clearly shows the divide between the Tamil dominated north and Sinhala dominated south. President Rajapakse's government during its second term should evolve some power-sharing formula to bridge the divide and build political confidence among the Tamils.
Similarly, the Sri Lankan government cannot ignore about one million Sri Lankan Tamils living abroad. Major Sri Lankan Tamil population is in Canada, Britain, U.S., and Australia. They have been supporting and financing the Tamil guerrilla groups, including LTTE. It has been advocating the demand for a separate state. Though after the defeat of LTTE the Tamil network abroad has weakened, yet it still exists and is active. During the last days of the civil war they held protest and demonstrations abroad. Even now they are active in building pressure on Sri Lankan government for examining the allegations regarding human rights abuses. Moreover, according to the Sri Lankan government's estimates the LTTE, over the decades, has amassed assets worth U.S. $ 3 to 5 billion which could be used by Tigers' splinter groups for reorganization.
Left alone, the Tamils abroad may regroup and support violations in Sri Lanka. In order to pacify the distrust and resentment among the Tamils abroad the Sri Lankan government should establish links with them and involve them in the rehabilitation process in the Tamil dominated North and Eastern provinces. As reported, the Sri Lankan investment promotion agency plans to invite Tamils abroad to invest in rehabilitation and reconstruction work in the Northern and Eastern provinces.
During his second term of office President Rajapakse should work on building trust between the Tamils and Sinhalese, and also propose some formula for devolution of power that may satisfy the concerns of the two major ethnic groups in Sri Lanka so that Sri Lanka emerges as a strong democratic South Asian nation.
Fahmida Ashraf is the former Director of the South Asia Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad.
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