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SAARC is still seeking to transform goals into achievements.The South Asia region, initially comprising seven countries - India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan and Maldives (Afghanistan was added as the eighth member in 2005), is home to more than 1.5 billion people. Even 62 years later, the region that gained emancipation from British sovereignty in 1947-48, is industrially backward, politically unstable and socially stratified.
In the late 1970s many analysts questioned why South Asian countries were incapable of emulating the ASEAN and European nations in the sphere of regional cooperation, especially in the economic, social and cultural fields. The initiative taken by Bangladesh's eighth President, General Zia ur Rahman bought SAARC to the forefront. In 1977, during his visit to a number of South Asian countries such as India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, General Zia formally proposed the creation of a trade bloc and regional organisation that would be the object of envy for the entire world. And so, SAARC was formally adopted in December 1985 in Dhaka after a number of meetings between various Heads of States and numerous foreign ministers.
The first four summits of SAARC strengthened its structure and introduced various divisions of interest in the Association. The fourth summit held in Islamabad in 1988 introduced the Integrated Program of Action (IPA) that launched ten areas of interest within the SAARC Charter, namely, Agriculture; Prevention of Drug Abuse; Rural Development; Telecommunications; Meteorology; Health and Population Activities; Transport; Postal Services; Science and Technology; and Sports, Arts and Culture.
However, after achieving a series of successes during its early years in strengthening the bonds of regional cooperation, SAARC soon started witnessing repeated setbacks. In 1987, Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi sent Indian troops for peacekeeping efforts (IPKF) into Sri Lanka. This soon met with a backlash from the fierce Tamil Tigers. Differences between India and Sri Lanka on the withdrawal of the IPKF led to the postponement of the SAARC foreign ministers meeting scheduled to be held in 1989. This was the first in a long string of events to follow that signaled deteriorating regional relations and the increasing interference of bilateral conflicts.
Cooperation was only limited to governmental levels and there was no effort to expand economic cooperation. Political, historical and cultural animosities still divided the countries of South Asia. The main players in this business were undoubtedly, the two sworn enemies in the region, India and Pakistan. In the past 24 years, SAARC has come to a point where India and Pakistan's bi-lateral ties determine its success or failure. Blatantly illustrating this fact is that in 24 years there have been only 15 summit meetings. There were no summits in 1989, 1992, 1994, 1996, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2003 and 2006. Unfortunately, the majority of absences fall back on only one reason: war mobilization.
SAARC's inability to play a crucial role in integrating South Asia is often credited to the political and military rivalry between India and Pakistan. For the first few years it seemed as though both countries had approached SAARC with an elevated level of maturity and sincerity. In November 1989, while addressing the SAARC Foreign Ministers' Conference in Islamabad, Benazir Bhutto spoke of building ‘a tomorrow of promise and of dreams fulfilled, a tomorrow of hope and encouragement for our people,' which could only be achieved through solving problems and not creating problems for each other in the region. Echoing her views was the Indian External Affairs Minister, who stressed upon ‘the SAARC members to sink bilateral differences and jointly work towards strengthening regional cooperation.' History has shown that neither the PPP nor the INC whole-heartedly addressed this glaring problem of resolving bilateral differences and conflicts. SAARC was slowly yet surely becoming prey to high-pitched rhetoric and empty promises made with apparent conviction: traits that both the PPP and the INC were famous for. Yet, maybe that is what kept it merely afloat during its first few years.
For India and Pakistan, Kashmir and Siachen had become more important than keeping SAARC intact. The Indo-Bangladesh and the Indo-Sri Lankan crisis also pushed SAARC into the background. Repeated boycotts of meetings had many analysts pointing out that it would be impossible for SAARC to disengage itself from bilateral disputes and focus primarily on promoting economic and cultural ties.
At the sixth summit in Colombo (1993), the question of boosting intra-regional trade was discussed extensively. The SAARC Preferential Trading Agreement (SAPTA) was signed at the seventh summit in Dhaka (1993) and came in to force at the eighth summit in New Delhi (1995). SAPTA addressed tariff reform measures, patterns of external trade, concrete preferential measures to recognise special needs and the inclusion of products and commodities in their raw, semi-processed and processed forms. The number of trade concessions rapidly rose from 226 commodities to 3456 by the third round of negotiations.
By 1997, the major players in the political arena had changed. Pakistan was now run by Nawaz Sharif (PML-N) and India had just entered into a phase that would entertain one of its longest running political parties in history - the BJP. It was no surprise then that with these two hostile forces, SAARC summits had taken a back seat as political rivalry went into full force. The explosion of nuclear bombs by both India and Pakistan in 1998 and the Kargil conflict led to the postponement of the eleventh summit scheduled to take place in Kathmandu in 1999. The event, which took place in 2002, had critics pointing out that it was important to discuss the issue of common markets and an economic union in order to re-instill whatever little reputation SAARC ever commanded. The World Bank report concluded that South Asia, constituting half of the world's total population, allotted only two percent of its GDP to intra-regional trade.
However, by this time the regional body had almost turned lifeless. Socio-economic development was the key problem to be addressed but the 11th summit will be remembered as an important step forward in easing tensions between the two stubborn members, India and Pakistan, of the SAARC community. With President Musharraf extending his now famous ‘genuine hand of friendship' to Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee, the SAARC summit seemed to have turned into a cautious love fest. Both sides constantly complimented each other on regional efforts yet simultaneously maintained their stubborn stances on the issue of Kashmir. It was obvious that regional cooperation was to suffer major setbacks if tensions between India and Pakistan persisted.
Despite this, the 11th SAARC summit boosted the pace of the next summits to follow. The 12th summit held in Islamabad focused candidly on SAFTA. Despite this, smaller members still viewed the agreement with skepticism and caution. Under SAFTA intra-regional trade could rise from $6 billion to $14 billion in two years. However, too many decisions and plans had fallen prey to Indo-Pak concerns and there was little reason to believe that this agreement would be any different. Intra-regional trade was nowhere near the ASEAN much less the EU. Additionally, Pakistan had bestowed the Most Favored Nation (MFN) status to a number of countries in SAARC, while India was still waiting, albeit patiently. This agreement passed on July 1, 2006 has not achieved anything at all. Even till today.
The 13th SAARC (2005) summit in Dhaka did not cause a number of stirs. Afghanistan was sworn in as a member. Pakistan welcomed it with open arms, even though Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan's application for UN membership in 1947. Combating terrorism, giving practical shape to SAFTA, dealing with natural disasters and increasing people to people interaction remained a priority on the agenda. Additionally, the circumstance under which this summit was held is also crucial to keep in sight. Pakistan had just suffered a devastating earthquake and bomb blasts had just rocked Bangladesh a few months earlier. Kashmir and the implementation of free trade remained crucial disputes.
The next two summits held in New Delhi (2007) and Colombo (2008) failed to make momentous news. With Afghanistan overshadowing regional cooperation with its drawn out talks on terrorism and Pakistan using that as an excuse to glorify itself under America's glaring ‘observer status,' it was understood that little could be achieved. Even till today, the SAARC countries have not come any closer to increased economic cooperation. The Bangladesh Taka is not accepted in any other country. Intra-regional trade is at a complete stand still. Visa and travel restriction still apply. In terms of cultural awareness, little can be attributed to efforts made by SAARC. The presence of Bollywood, cross cultural music, dancing, literature, newspapers, periodicals or arts is the direct result of mere globalisation. Additionally, remnants of regional cultures present in different countries are attributed largely to piracy and other illegal means.
Poverty, a key element of the SAARC agenda stands higher than ever in the South Asia region. Even 24 years after SAARCs' inception, the performance of the organisation remains underwhelming. Pledges and promises made with apparent conviction and reiterated many times in the past have failed to materialise and have pushed some analysts to question whether these nations are only trying to cover their ineptitude. Hostilities and mistrust are now commonplace in SAARC. Even though the political leadership had changed multiple times in various countries, some being more progressive than its predecessors, differences still dominate decisions.
Success in terms of economic progress, security, poverty alleviation and cultural exchange could only come if all countries were willing to cooperate. However, SAARC has quickly become an unnecessary forum for bilateral conflicts while mutually beneficial cooperation, has yet again, taken a back seat.
Arsla Jawaid is Assistant Editor at SouthAsia Magazine. She holds a B.A in International Relations, with a focus on foreign policy and security studies, from Boston University.
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